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In our turbulent times, it it reassuring to know that certain things remain unwaveringly true. One of those things is that regardless of any grand statements, national interests override supranational ones. Nowhere was this more in evidence than at the European Summit overnight. Interestingly enough, despite that, most of the major countries got their way and will not walk away unhappy.
Purists Germany stopped the ECB from actually solving the Eurozone debt crisis by letting it act as a proper central bank and prevented the ESM/EFSF from getting banking licenses of their own. The UK protected itself from a heavy extra burden of financial regulation in the City, a key driver of our economy, while not preventing the Eurozone from beginning the process of integrating into a more meaningful fiscal union with the real and necessary restrictions of national sovereignty required for a currency union to work. And the French got to maintain the pretence that they are the key diplomatic player in the EU, the power behind Germany’s economic throne, by loading the proposed treaty with so much of that financial regulation as to force the UK to veto an EU-wide treaty. And on an EU level, at least the Eurozone debt crisis has a bigger temporary sticking plaster to kick the can down the road a bit longer.
Let us be clear: Germany holds the Eurozone’s pursestrings and if any nation can be said to have got its way more fully than the rest, it is Germany. They have imposed their economic model on the rest of the Eurozone. It may not quite be an iron hand yet, but the velvet glove is certainly off. In the meantime, the EFSF will run concurrently with the ESM for about a year, which together with other resources pledged, brings the total amount of money in the EU bailout pot for profligate PIIGS to a bit over a trillion euros. That’s still not enough, really. Two would be nicer. But it’s not a bad sticking plaster – certainly better than the ones we’ve had so far – and might just be enough to calm the situation. Time will tell; it’s a little too early to judge that today.
The UK was forced to wield its veto. The usual suspects have begun hand-wringing about “isolation”, but as Terry Smith of brokers Tullet Prebon amusingly suggested this morning: “the UK as isolated as somebody who refused to join the Titanic just before it sailed”. To have signed the treaty would have subjected the City to a huge potential increase in regulation. Like it or not, the City contributes about 10% to our national wealth, a far greater percentage than any other EU country’s financial intermediation services. Add in financial services more generally, and the figure rises to about 1/3 of GDP. Even just considering the taxes it pays (yes, it does actually pay a lot of tax, despite what some would have you believe), that’s an important cash-cow for the UK government to preserve. Subjecting it to a new swathe of regulation is hardly conducive to profit, especially in such fragile times.
The French are very aware of this of course, which is why they insisted on including so much financial regulation in the proposed treaty. Unable to persuade the Germans to give the ECB proper banking powers, they were at risk of appearing impotent in the EU. And if there’s one thing that a French President with a looming re-election campaign can’t afford to appear, it’s impotent. As no other EU nation has as large a financial sector as Britain, it was easy for them to ensure that the other countries would not object; the impact of the regulations would be negligible to them. This ensured that either Britain would capitulate (handicapping one of its traditional strengths, benefiting France) or it would have to veto the treaty (allowing Sarkozy to frame the outcome as British isolation, boosting his domestic prospects).
The UK’s relationship with the EU will certainly now be very different to before. A veto, once wielded, is no longer a frightening spectre to either British PMs or our EU colleagues, but merely a tool. It will likely be used more frequently. I suspect the likely outcome will be a multi-speed EU, with the eurozone (and its likely future members) moving towards a more integrated political and economic union, and the UK and any other permanent non-eurozone members remaining in a looser alliance with the eurozone. The key thing the UK has to negotiate is the maintenance of a single market when it comes to no cross-border tariffs, minimising internal national subsidies, and the other key free trade tenets currently enshrined at an EU-level. Everything else can gradually be allowed to drift apart, which in the medium term will make it easier to begin cutting back on some of the more intrusive bits of current EU social and regulatory legislation.
It is undoubtedly in the UK’s long-term economic interests to remain part of the free-market aspects of the EU (although Channel 4′s relatively impartial FactCheck suggests its benefits may often be overstated). The challenge will be maintaining the UK’s free market relationship with the EU while the Eurozone members integrate further politically. Given the free market aspects are already in place, this should not be an impossible challenge. A delicated balancing act, certainly. But not impossible.
In the longer term, the UK can develop into a low-tax offshore gateway to the rest of the EU, with less regulation than the mainland, attracting global investment precisely because of that lower regulatory burden. A jumbo-sized Hong Kong, if you like. This would not be possible if the UK were part of a more integrated political, fiscal and monetary union with it. In the very long term, the balance may shift again. We cannot predict what the EU or the World will look like in 50 or 100 years. But for today, and for the short and medium terms, David Cameron did the right thing for Britain.
And funnily enough, leaving aside the relative sideshow of financial services regulation, the Eurozone may just have done enough to stave off imminent disaster too. Well, as the title suggests, I am an optimist.
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